The Akal Takht has given the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)-led Punjab government a month to remove certain “objectionable” clauses in its anti-sacrilege law. This came after almost all Sikh legislators cutting across party lines, including 78 MLAs and nine ministers, appeared before it on Monday in response to its summons.
The Jagat Jyot Sri Guru Granth Sahib Satkar (Amendment) Act, 2026, passed on April 29, has been criticised for expanding the definition of sacrilege to include “hurt sentiments” and prescribing draconian jail terms.
The Takht’s summons to the 78 Sikh MLAs and nine Sikh Cabinet ministers comes two weeks after it declared Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann “panth virodhi” (opposed to the panth), and issued an edict calling for his boycott over an objectionable video.
Few institutions have shaped Sikh religious and political life as profoundly as the Akal Takht. Here is a look at what the Akal Takht is, how its authority evolved, and why its summons continues to carry weight.
What is Akal Takht?
The Akal Takht, meaning “throne of the timeless one”, is the highest temporal (worldly/political) seat of the Sikhs. It’s located directly opposite the Golden Temple (Harmandir Sahib) in Amritsar.
It was founded by Guru Hargobind, the sixth Guru, between 1606 and 1609, shortly after the execution of his father, Guru Arjan Dev, by the Mughals. Guru Hargobind deliberately built it on a raised platform higher than typical Mughal thrones as a symbol of defiance and sovereignty. He wore two swords: miri (worldly power) and piri (spiritual authority), signifying that worldly affairs must be guided by spiritual consciousness.
The Jathedar (head) of the Akal Takht is widely regarded as the highest temporal religious authority in Sikhism. The Jathedar can summon any Sikh, regardless of rank or position, and issue edicts (hukamnamas).
While this authority is not backed by the police or courts, it enjoys deep moral and traditional acceptance within the Sikh community. Over the centuries, kings and elected chief ministers have submitted themselves to its edicts, often a public reprimand for straying from the panthic principles.
What role did the Akal Takht play in Punjab before 1947?
Before Independence, the Akal Takht was the political and decision-making heart of the Sikh community during turbulent times. It was here that Guru Hargobind issued the first directive for Sikhs to arm themselves and resist Mughal oppression.
In the 18th century, during the Misl period, it became the venue for the Sarbat Khalsa, community gatherings, often convened on occasions such as Diwali and Vaisakhi, where resolutions on resisting Mughal and Afghan invaders or other administrative matters were passed.
Even Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the most powerful Sikh ruler who presided over a largely secular empire, subjected himself to the edicts of the Akal Takht. The then Jathedar, Akali Phula Singh (a Nihang warrior), summoned him over his marriage to Moran, a Muslim dancer, and Ranjit Singh appeared and accepted the punishment.
The British attempted to control Sikh shrines by appointing loyalist sarbrahs (managers). The Gurdwara Reform Movement of the 1920s, however, wrested control from them. This led to the formation of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) on December 12, 1920, with its inaugural meeting held at the Akal Takht Sahib. Two days later, on December 14, the Shiromani Akali Dal was formed as the SGPC’s political arm.
How did the Akal Takht, and Akali Dal, influence Punjab politics after independence?
Since Independence, the Akal Takht has frequently exercised its religious and moral authority in matters of secular politics. The Akal Takht Jathedar is traditionally appointed by the SGPC, many of whose members are from the Akali Dal, explaining the party’s influence in panthic affairs.
The Akali Dal has often used the Akal Takht as the launch pad for major political agitations. It was from here that Akali leaders Master Tara Singh and Sant Fateh Singh spearheaded the Punjabi Suba movement, demanding a separate Punjabi-speaking state. When the agitation resumed in 1960, Sant Fateh Singh made the Akal Takht his headquarters. On one occasion, the Akal Takht Jathedar intervened directly, censuring both leaders for failing to honour their pledges to fast unto death until the demand for a separate state was met.
During Emergency in July 1975, the Akali Dal launched the Democracy Bachao Morcha (Save Democracy Movement) from the Akal Takht. Volunteers offered ardas (prayers) daily before courting arrest and receiving saropas (robes of honour). More than 40,000 Akali workers were estimated to have participated in the 19-month agitation.
In 1982, the Akali Dal, led by Sant Harchand Singh Longowal, launched the Dharam Yudh Morcha from the Akal Takht, demanding greater autonomy for Punjab in line with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who joined the Morcha, later operated from the Akal Takht complex, although he was never its official Jathedar.
The golden-domed Akal Takht (left) and the Harmandir Sahib, or Golden Temple, on the right. Wikimedia Commons
There have also been instances where Akal Takht edicts were alleged to have favoured particular factions within the Akali Dal. In 1986-87, for instance, the Takht excommunicated then Akali chief minister Surjit Singh Barnala for ordering police action inside the Golden Temple complex during Operation Black Thunder to remove militants from the Golden Temple. The move bolstered the faction led by Parkash Singh Badal.
In 2004, the Akal Takht issued a hukamnama declaring Sehajdhari Sikhs (who trim their hair, unlike Amritdhari Sikhs) ineligible to vote in SGPC elections. Political observers say the decision benefited the Shiromani Akali Dal by reshaping the SGPC electorate.
The Akal Takht has also summoned political leaders across party lines to account for their actions. It summoned then President Giani Zail Singh for his role during Operation Blue Star and Union Minister Buta Singh for his role in the government-sponsored reconstruction of the Akal Takht following the operation. Both eventually appeared before the Takht and performed the prescribed atonement.
In 2024, it declared SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal tankhaiya (guilty of religious misconduct) over the handling of sacrilege incidents and other decisions during the SAD-BJP government (2007–17), including matters related to Dera Sacha Sauda. It ordered a public apology and sewa, and also revoked the “Panth Rattan Fakhr-e-Quam” title of his father, five-time chief minister Parkash Singh Badal.
On June 15, it declared Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann “Guru-dokhi” (betrayer of the Guru) and “Panth-virodhi” (enemy of the Panth) over a controversial video.
What kind of ‘punishment’ does it dole out?
The Akal Takht does not impose legal fines or jail terms. Instead, it declares individuals tankhaiya and assigns tankhah (atonement) through sewa such as cleaning shoes, utensils or toilets at the Golden Temple, often while wearing a placard of repentance and making a public apology.
The Takht can also order excommunication (as it did with chief minister Barnala in 1987), impose a social or religious boycott, and revoke titles and honours. These are moral and social sanctions, but they can be politically devastating in Punjab.
Has the Akal Takht Jathedar ever faced blowback?
Yes. The Jathedar is appointed by the SGPC executive committee and can also be removed by it. Bhai Ranjit Singh, who served as Jathedar from 1996 to 1999, was suspended by the SGPC executive in February 1999 amid the political feud between then CM Parkash Badal and SGPC chief Gurcharan Singh Tohra. More recently, Giani Harpreet Singh and Giani Raghbir Singh have faced similar fates, often after issuing edicts affecting SAD leaders and criticising the SGPC.
After issuing a pardon to Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim for dressing up as Guru Gobind Singh, the Akal Takht was forced to revoke this decision in 2015 following outrage from the community.
What are the perils of ignoring a summons?
Ignoring a summons is seen as defiance of the Takht’s moral authority. When Barnala, who was chief minister from 1985 to 1987, defied its directives relating to Operation Black Thunder, he was declared tankhaiya and excommunicated. His government subsequently collapsed, leading to President’s Rule. He later performed public atonement.
The Takht’s authority remains deeply embedded in the Sikh psyche. While some view it with cynicism because of perceived politicisation through the SGPC, many Sikhs regard it as the essential guardian of maryada (the panthic code of conduct) and an important check on politicians. Political leaders usually conclude that submitting to the Takht’s directives, even reluctantly, carries fewer political costs than defying them.